Dr.Mishra,
 
1. Qutab Minar is obviously a temple that was converted to the edifice using the demolished materials. It appears you have not visited and if you have, you ************ to the sculptures and writings on the rock structures there. The evidence has not "vanished in thin air" as claimed by your ilk.
 
Read what the Research Scholar Oak has to say:
 
>>>An ancillary conclusion could be that the so-called Kutub Minar (in Delhi, India) could well be king Vikramadiya' s tower commemorating his conquest of Arabia. This conclusion is strengthened by two pointers. Firstly, the inscription on the iron pillar near the so-called Kutub Minar refers to the marriage of the victorious king Vikramaditya to the princess of Balhika. This Balhika is none other than the Balkh region in West Asia. It could be that Arabia was wrestled by king Vikramaditya from the ruler of Balkh who concluded a treaty by giving his daughter in marriage to the victor. Secondly, the township adjoining the so called Kutub Minar is named Mehrauli after Mihira who was the renowned astronomer-mathemat ician of king Vikram's court. Mehrauli is the corrupt form of Sanskrit `Mihira-Awali' signifying a row of houses raised for Mihira and his helpers and assistants working on astronomical observations made from the tower.>>>
 
2. When the opportunity has come, the Hindu-s have awakened and raising the real issues now against pseudo-secularists "harvesting gullible tribals" for the purpose.
 
3. The Pandits at Varnasi and the like are only conducting rites and ceremonies and have no knowledge of historical atrocities committed by Muslims and Christians for several Centuries, and are also not aware of the fact that Gnyan Vyapi Mosque adjascent to the Shiv temple was the actual temple over which the mosque stands.
 
They are not the Kshatriyas who defend the Country and the faith.
 
Christians masquerading with Hindu names as Sharma or Chandra and so on should stop this "veiled postings",
 
 
>>>Tulsidas who was a contemporary of Janhagir and lived in Ayodhya for a number of years and was surely a more staunch devotee of Ram than fake Rambhaktas, led by Advani, never mentioned the act of the demolition of Ram Mandir by Babar or his lieutenant.>>
 
Poets and devotional characters do not indulge in such discussions as they work at a spiritual plane. Tulsidas was already enlightened and never bothered about the humans or the faiths.
 
If you want to know about the authenticity of Ram Temple, read the articles related to the subject. The land documents related to this location, even after demolition and construction of mosque, refer the area as "Janmasthal" or Ram Janmabhoomi, as was evidenced during the discussions post-demolition period.
 
There are no two opinons that there was a Ram Mandir at this location.
......H.E. Neville, a British administrator of Ayodhya, who recorded in the District Gazetteer as follows: "In 1528 A.D. Babar came to Ayodhya (Aud) and halted a week. He destroyed the ancient temple (marking the birth place of Rama) and on its site built a mosque still known as Babar's Mosque.... It has two inscriptions, one on the outside, one on the pulpit; both are in Persian; and bear the date 935 A.H." The Gazetteer was published a hundred years ago. That the site has been under dispute for more than four and a half centuries is a known fact. According to an unpublished research paper written by Girish Munshi "there is ample evidence in writings and records of Muslim scholars to prove the essential fact of temple destruction." .....

....Much has been made that in recent diggings, no evidence has been found of the existence of a temple under the masjid debris. But let this be known: in earlier diggings, between the walls of the Janmabhoomi and the Babri structure, over 265 artefacts and two stones inscribed slabs of the 12the century had been found.

Most important of all, one of the slabs contained inscription providing descriptive details about the temple of Sri Rama. Furthermore, found at the base of two pillars which were part of the structure are carvings of purnaghata or khumbha or kalash with overhanging creepers with rich foliage in highly stylised manner. On one of the octagonal sides of one pillar is a female figure in tribhang pose, still visible, though the pillar itself is highly mutilated......

....The Inscription.

In course of the demolition of the disputed structure commonly called Babari Masjid at the town of Ayodhya (Fyzabad District, Uttar Pradesh, India) on 6th December, 1992, one of its walls yielded a huge lithic slab bearing a large important epigraph. As it was intact at the time of its discovery, and was presumably embedded in the lower portion of the wall, probably within about four feet. However, either during transit to its present locus or at the locus its right upper portion developed an oblique vertical crack resulting in the damage to a few letters towards the end of the first few lines. The slab is presently kept under tight government custody at the Ramkatha Kunj at Ayodhya where with the permission of the Lucknow Bench of the Allahabad High Court we2 had an opportunity to examine it in situ on 14-15 September 1996, followed by an examination of an estampage at the Lucknow Bench on the next two days. Despite the original slab being damaged at a few places and the not too satisfactory condition of the estampage we were able to decipher it almost completely. This decipherment was revealing inasmuch as it established the existence of a Hindu shrine at this site at least about four centuries prior to the erection of what was, till the 6th~December 1992, called Babari Mosque, without any shadow of doubt.
 
The slab is of buff sandstone and rectangular, measuring approximately 5 x 2.25 ft. It bears a long inscription comprising twenty lines in the Nagari script datable to about mid-twelfth century AD, a date vouched for by its internal evidence as wel! as will be seen in the sequel. The record, but for the singular exception of a short auspicious formula (mangalacharana) at the beginning, is composed throughout in high-flown Sanskrit stanzas in a variety of classical metres. There are in all about thirty verses.

The inscribed slab was evidently fixed at the entrance of the temple of Vishnu-Hari the construction of which is recorded in the inscription on it.5 The present paper is intended to highlight the contents of this record in so far as it has a bearing on the instant issue.

Though the epigraph is pronouncedly Vaishnava in its contents, it commences with the Saivite formula Om namah Sivaya (salutation to Siva), probably because the ruler who got it inscribed was a devotee of god Siva, which indicates the cordiality that characterised the relationship between the votaries of the two religions. Import of the opening stanza cannot be made out owing to its highly mutilated condition. The next three verses (lines 2-4) appear to refer to a king who is spoken of as an ornament of the earth and a kshatriya ruling family whose members were determined to rescue all the kshatriyas who had earlier been reduced by the son of sage Bhrigu (Bhargava, viz. Parasurama) and his descendants (Bhargaviyas) and were always ready to support the gods and the brahmanas and the needy. Very significant is the next stanza (lines 4-5) referring as it does to the birth-place (janmabhumi) of a king whose body was without a parallel (apratima-vigraha), who was an abode of great valour (ti-sahasa-sahasra-samiddha-dhama), the most desired by the whole world (jagad=ishtatamah) and who freed the gods from their worries. Most probably the reference is to Lord Rama's birth-place.7

Verses 6-7 (lines 5-6) contain the description of some king probably claiming origin from the same line, who was not interested in worldly matters and, according to the following stanza (line 6-7), he crowned his son Sallakshana as his successor during his own life-time. Sallakshana's achievements are eulogised in verse 9-15 (lines 7-11). He is said to have been endowed with superhuman valour (amanusham paurusham) which was unique in the world (visva-vilakshanam). He appears to have demonstrated his abnormal bravery in some battles and rendered, we are told, the empire free from troubles (nishkantakam samrajya-parichchhadam). Though not stated explicitly, these successes were most probably won on behalf of the Gahadavalas whose vassals his successors are said to have been. His fief probably extended up to the Himalayan lands (tarai) in the Basti-Bahraich region, and there is an exaggerated description of his fame being sung by the womenfolk in the Himalaya caverns, the slopes of the Kailasa mountain, the top of the Meru mountain, on the banks of the divine river (Ganga) as well as the surroundings of the Malaya mountain and other regions. He was so charming that his company was desired by even the heavenly ladies. His demise is the described eulogistically. 
Sallakshana had probably two sons named Alhana and Megha and was followed by the former8 who was most probably the elder of the two.9 His bravery and the wars fought by him are also described. He is said to have been affectionate to the good and a valiant point of the saw to the boasting ones, viz. enemies (pranaya-pesalah satam garjjatam krakacha-kotir=udbhatah). He also won successes in battles and is said to have brought back the goddess of fortune which is fickle by nature (aninaya.... prabhutam prakriti-chanchalam sriyam).l0

As we have seen above, Alhana had a younger brother named Megha, and as at the time of his death his own son was too young, he was succeeded by his younger brother (anuja), perhaps cousin, Nayachandra who was the (or a) son of Megha who was most probably younger son of Sallakshana. Regarding Nayachandra's career we get more specific information. He was a contemporary of the well-known Gahadavala king Govindachandra (c. 1114-55 AD) of Kannanj. By the latter's great favour he got the fief of the Saketa region (Saketa-mandala-patitva). He fought some wars for his overlord and is said to have ensured the stability of his kingdom. He was learned (srutadhya) and highly liberal making costly gifts and is eulogised as a wish-giving tree (kalpa-vriksha). His most remarkable act, however, was the erection of a huge beautiful stone temple dedicated to god Vishnu-Hari which is described in some detail. We are told that he built it with the object of crossing the worldly ocean, viz. getting liberated from the chain of birth and death. It was constructed with a series of heaps of huge stone blocks dressed with chisels and adorned with a golden cupola. Such a highly wonderful temple was not erected by any earlier king.12

Nayachandra was succeeded by his younger brother, i.e. cousin, and son of Alhanal3 named Ayushyachandra who, it is averred, was not compared by the poets with either Sahasanka or Sudraka, to wit, he excelled them both in valour as well as poetic talent.14 No one dared to string his bow before him. He had his headquarter at Ayodhya which is said to have housed high-rising buildings and temples (uddama-saudha-vibudh-alayanim=Ayodhyam= adhyasya). He had thousands of wells (both ordinary as well as stepped ones), rest-houses (dharmasalas) and tanks executed all over the Saketa region.15. His fief extended up to the Himalayan region, and the people inhabiting the Himalayas are said to have sung the songs of his fame and they are described as enjoyable by female musk deers. His handsome physique is compared to the holy city of Kasi, endowed with the Avimukta tirtha which was the cause of the attainment of beatitude (nirvana). He is said to have excelled by his achievements god Vishnu's ten incarnations of whom the killer of Hiranyakasipu, viz. Nrisimha, humbler of the demon king Bali, viz. Vamana, and the destroyer of the wicked ten-headed (Ravana), viz. Dasaratha's son, Rama, are specified. He with- his terrible arms is said to have averted fear from the west (paschatya-bhiti). The inscription ends abruptly with the name of Ayushyachandra.17. Probably it is incomplete and there were a few lines below the extant text.
 

Ayushyachandra's comparison (or lack of comparison) with Sahasanka and Sudraka is highly significant and most probably deliberate. Both were renowned poets besides being great monarchs. The comparison must refer to both these facets of their personality; otherwise any other comparison would have done. Moreover, it is the renowned poets (kavindras) who are said to have refrained from such an analogy. It is therefore certain that Ayushyachandra was a talented Sanskrit poet and most probably he was responsible for composing this beautiful inscription.

Nayachandra, the third member of the feudatory line, was clearly a vassal of the Gahadavala king Govindachandra by whose great favour he is stated to have received his fief of the Saketa-mandala. The dates of the inscriptions of this most powerful Gahadavala monarch range from 1114 to 1154 AD. The first definitely known member of the line, viz. Sallakshana, must have therefore flourished in the second half of the preceding century at the earliest. He and his successor Alhana appear to have been vassals of the Gahadavala monarchs Chandradeva and his son and successor Madanachanra. Though not stated explicitly in the record, the battles fought by Nayachandra's two predecessors consequently must have been on behalf of their Gahadavala masters. It was sometime during Govindachandra's long reign that the chieftainship of the Saketa region extending right up to the Himalayan tarai in the Sravasti area was formally assigned to Nayachandra and the latter's successor Ayushyachandra continued in the same capacity.

 We learn from the Mirat-i-Masudi of Abdur Rahman Chishti that Sayyid Salar Masud led a Muslim invasion and in the course of his march he had encamped at Satrakh (perhaps Saketa) but was worsted and killed in an engagement at Bahraich on Sunday, 14th June, 1033 AD at the hands of Rai Sahar Deo who had organised and led a confederacy of Hindu chiefs against this offensive. Rai Sahar Deo also lost his life in this encounter. 18 Local legends call Sahar Deo Suhiladeva. There are also local traditions regarding the Ayushavamsa of Sravasti flourishing about the same time which included kings Sohatra and Ayusha.l9 It is tempting to identify the chiefs Suhildeva or Sohatra and Ayusha of these legends with our Sallakshana and Ayushyachandra respectively. However, in view of the insurmountable chronological difficulties these equations cannot be upheld and the sameness or similarity of these names may be treated as purely acciental.19a.

Even though the temple of Vishqu-Hari is said to have been erected by Nayachandra himself, in all likelihood he was acting in this matter as a proxy for his Gahadavala suzerain Govindachandra. We have explicit evidence to show that there was in existence at Ayodhya the image or shrine of Vishnu-Hari at the same site at Ayodhya during Chandradeva's reign. One of his Chandravati grants of Vikrama samvat 1150 corresponding to 1093 AD, which was issued from the Svargadvara ghat at Ayodhya speaks of his presenting to the god golden ornaments studded with precious gems.20. It is not known if it was only an image or a shrine, but the latter appears more likely. It is likely that the temple, if already in existence, had been damaged due to some unknown calamity and had to be built afresh or that the old structure was deliberately replaced by a much more beautiful one during Govindachandra's time by his protege Nayachandra. It can further be concluded that the tradition about Vishnu-Hari goes back to a substantially earlier period, say at least tenth century AD. And as the present inscription referring to the construction (or reconstruction) of this temple has been found in the debris of the Babari Mosque, it may be regarded as certain that the temple was located at this site. The case is comparable to that of the temple of Dharmahari which was also demolished by Aurangzeb to make room for a mosque and the inscription referring to it21 was found in the ruins of one of the mosques at the Svargadvara ghat (the locality popularly known as Treta ke Thakur) showing that it was built by the Gahadavala king Jayachchandra. It has made it possible to locate the site of the Dharmahari temple which was otherwise uncertain. With the discovery of these two inscriptions the sites of all the seven Hari shrines) have been located. The Vishnu-Hari shrine has been eulogised in the Ayodhya-mahatmya of the Skanda-purana also, though traditions about it differ from recension to recension.24.

Vishnu's manifestations (avataras) had since very early times come to be treated as Vishnu himself. We may refer here only to a couple of important early references from inscriptions. A fragmentary stone inscription from Kausambi (modern Kosam, Allahabad district) dating from about the second century AD refers to some pious act (installation of an image or erection of a shrine) of god Rama-Narayana (bhagavato Rama-Narayanasya) by a householder, showing that Rama had already come to be treated as one with Nasrayana or Vishnu himself. 25. Another even more significant reference is to be met with in a Bagh (Dhar district, Madhya Pradesh) plate of the Valkha Maharaja Bhulunda dated in the year 47 of an unspecified era.26.

At the beginning Anantasayana Vishnu's eight-armed form is invoked and the same is described in the sequel as breaking the haughtiness of Bali, Naraka, Namuchi, Kesin, the Kaliya snake, the ten-headed (dasra-vadana, viz. Ravana), Kamsa, Chanura, Arishta and Siisupala, and as Varaha (Boar incarnation) rescuing the earth, and without any beginning, middle and end.27. Some scholars refer its date to the Kalachuri-Chedi era commencing in 248-49 AD, 8 while others regard it as a vear of the Gupta era commencing in 219-20 AD, 28 the latter view being preferable.30. It is therefore Very likely that Vishnu-Hari whose temple was in existence during the reign of the early Gahadavala king Chandradeva and was reconstructed/renovated during Govindachandra's time incorporated within itself god Rama as well.

We have thus an incontrovertible epigraphic evidence to prove the existence of not just a non-denominational Hindu but a Vaishnava shrine at the site of the disputed structure at Ayodhya during the closing years of the eleventh century AD and its reconstruction/renovation sometime about mid-twelfth century AD. The inscribed slab recovered from the debris of what was called Babari Masjid was actually fixed on the entrance wall of this temple. It was this shrine that was demolished during and at the orders of the first Mughal emperor Babar by his officer Mir Baqui to make room for a mosque which was erected by him in 1528 AD.31. Even without this irrefutable inscriptional proof it was obvious that this structure could not have originally been a mosque as it had fourteen columns of schist of slate variety (kasauti) with age-old Hindu mouldings, it faced east and had no nearby place for washing before entering it (wazuh).

 
Notes and References 1. viz. backwall. Probably its inscribed side was on the back.

2. The team of experts included besides the present writer Drs. T.P. Verma, Sudha Malaiya and D. P. Dubey. Also present on the occasion were Dr. S. P. Gupta and Prof. B. R. Grover. Drs. G. C. Tripathi and D. P. Dubey had an opportunity to examine the estampage again on 29-30 October, 1996.

3. The inscription refers twice to the Gahadavala king Govindachandra who ruled in 1114-54 AD.

4. Vide K. V. Ramesh, T. P. Verma, A. K. Singh, Sudha Malaiya, Ajay Mitra Shastri, G. C. Tripathi and D. P. Dubey, "Notes on Rama Janmabhumi Inscription", Itihas Darpan, Vol. III, No. 2, December 1996, pp. 61-73.

5. Verse 21, lines 14-15.

6. The janmabhumi is styled a dhama or sacred spot.

7. Notwithstanding the possibility of some other meanings, this is the most likely and best interpretation.

8. The name is also spelt as Allana.

9. Alhana's successor Nayachandra is described as his younger brother or cousin and son of Megha (tasY-anujo and Megha-sutah) in the same vein. Vide verse 19, line LN.

10. For his description, see verses ]6-18, lines 11-13.

11. Govindachandra-dharanindra-guru-prasadat Saketa-mandala-patitvam=alabi yena. Verse 19, lines 13-14.

12. Tank-otkhata-vidala-iaila-s'ikhara-sreni-6ila-samhativ uhair=Vishonharer=hiran a-kalasa-sri-sundaram mandirarn Y Y Purvair=apy-akritam kritam nripatibbir=yen-edam=ity-adbhutam samsar-arnnava-sighra-lamqhana-laghun padan dhiya dhyayata Verse 2], lines 14-15.

13. That he was son of Alhana (Alhana-sunur=eva) is emphatically mentioned. See verse 22, line 16.

14. Na Sahasankena na dudrakena tasy-opamanam vidadhuh kavindrah Verse 23, line 16

15. Uddama-saudha-vibudhalayanim Ayodhyam_adhvasva tena na-nihnuta-vaisiasena Saketa-mandalam=akhandam=akari kupa vaoi-orati~raya-tadaqa-sahaera-misram verse 24, line 17

16. Avimukta-vidalakshi lalita nandita sada Kas-iva yasya deha-sirih satam nirvana-karanam Verse 2 6, 1 i n e 18

17. For the description of Ayushyachandra, see verses 22-30, lines 16-20.

18. Elliot and Dowson, History of India as told by her own Historians, II, 1867-77, pp. 513-49.

19. Kerrim Grafin V. Schwerin, "Saint Worship in Indian Islam: The Legend of the Martyr Salar Masud Ghazi", Rituals and Religion among Muslims of the Sub-continent, ed. Imtiaz Ahmad, Lahore, 1985, pp. 143-61, cited by D. P. Dubey in his "Ayodhya Stone Inscription of Ayushyachandra", Him-kanti: Archaeology, Art and History: Prof. K. P. Nauti al Felicitation Volume, eds. B. M. Khanduri and Vinod Nautiyal, Book India Publishing Co., Delhi, 1997, p. 216, note 7.

19a.For another view, see T. P. Verma, "Studies in Epigraphy", Presiential Address, Indian History and Culture Society, 19th Session, Gorakhpur, 1995; D.P. Dubey, op. cit., p. 214.

20. Haimani yena manibbih khachitany=anargha dattani Vishnuharaye cha vibhushanani D. C. Sircar, "Some Gahadavala Grants", EI, XXXV, p. 203 fn. verse 8.

21. A. Fuhrer, The Sharqi Architecture of Jaunpur with Notes on Zafarabad, Sahet-Mahet and Other Places in the North-Western Provinces an Oudh, Archaeological Survey of India (New Series), Vol.I, Calcutta, 1889, p. 68; Hans Bakker, Ayodhya, Edgert Forsten, Groningen, 1986, pp. 52-53.

22. The seven Haris (Saptaharis) are Chandrahari, Bilvahari, Guptahari, Chakrahari, Bhartrihari, Dharmahari and Vishnuhari.

23. For the traditional account including myths about their origin and location, vide Hans Bakker,op.cit., Part II.

24. Ibid., Part I, pp. 53-54; Part II, p. 256-65. All the different recensions of Ayodhya- mahatmya are critically edited and analysed by Hans Bakker.

25. Ajay Mitra Shastri, "Rama cult: Earliest Epiqraphic Evidence" Rama Journal of the Epigraphical Society of India, XX, 1994, pp. 1-3.

26. K. V. Ramesh and S. P. Tewari, A Copper-Plate Hoard of the Gupta Period from Bagh, Madhya Pradesh, Archaeological Survey of India, New Delhi-Mysore, 1990, p. 1, lines 1-5 which reads as under: Bhagavata huror=amara-vara-ripu-rudhira-srita-sara-prasaras sur-asura-nar-oraga -aikaranva-vipula-vimala-paryvanka-tala-s'ayinah nabhi-sambhav-`aravinda-shatpad-opagiyamana-nidrasya sankha-b'ana-sakti-chakra- nandaka-jvalangad-agra-i'ula-bhasvar-ashta-ba)~- salinah Bali-Naraka-Namuchi -vara-turaga-bdujaga-Dasavadana-Kamsa-Chanur-Arisht(isupal a- darppa- mathanasya jaga-skann-oddharana-Varahasya anadi-madhya-nidhanasya sura-aan-alankarishnos=trailokya-prabhavishnor=asura-gana-jishnoh.

27. The inestimable value of this passage for the religious history was first brought out by us in our review of the book in the Journal of the Epigraphical Society of India, XVIII, 1992, p. 129.

28. V. V. Mirashi, Inscriptions of the Kalachuri-Chedi Era, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, IV, Government Epigraphist for India, Ootacamund (now Mysore), 1955, pp. 5-12.

29. K.V. Ramesh and S. P. Tewari, op. cit., Introduction, pp. viii- .

30. Vide our review in op.cit., pp. 126-27.thus the inscription belongs to the third or fourth century AD.

31. For the text and English rendering of the Persian inscription, see A. Fuhrer, op.cit., p. 67.

SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bakker, Hans, Ayodhya, Egbert Forsten, Groningen, 1986.

Gupta, S. P., "Rama Janmabhumi: Presidential Reference and Archaeological Evidence: A Reappraisa(`, Itihas Darpan, II, 1995, pp. 13-32.

Dubey, D. P., "Ayodhya Stone Inscription of Ayushyachandra", Him-Kanti: Archaeology, Art and History: Prof. K. P. Nautiyal Felicitation Volume, eds. B. M. Khanduri and Vinod Nautlya, Book India Publishing Co., Delhi, 1997, pp. 213-17.

Ramesh, K. V., Verma, T. P., Singh, A. K., Malaiya, Sudha, Shastri, Ajay Mitra, Tripathi, G. C., and Dubey, D. P., "Notes on Rama Janmabhumi Inscription", Itihas Darpan,Vol. III, No. 2, Deember 1996, pp. 61-73.

Shastri, Ajay Mitra, "Ayodhya and God Rama", Puratattva, Number 23, 1992-93, pp. 35-39.

do , "Rama - His Divinity in Literature and Epigraphy", New Trends in Indian Art and Archaeoogy: S. R.Rao's 70th Birthday Felicitation Volume, Aditya Prakashan, Delhi, 1992, pp. 193-200. do , "Rama Cult: Earliest Epigraphic Evidence", Journal of the Epigraphical Society of India, XX, 1994, pp. 1-3.

do , "Fifty Years of Epigraphical Studies in India: A Brief Review", Puratattva, Number 25, 1994-95, pp. 21-39.

Verma, T. P., "Studies in Epigraphy", Presidential Address, Indian History and Culture Society, XIX Session, Gorakhpur.

http://www.wac.uct.ac.za/croatia/shastri.htm  (this source link is broken - moderator)

Mishraji,

The research work of Jesuits and other Christians are to be taken with a pinch of salt as they were invariably biassed against Hindu-s and their heiritage, undertaken under British regime and guidance.