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Though lakhs have been displaced in the name of national development to built Dams no reliable database exists on the extent of displacement and rehabilitation. This shows the attitude of carelessness of the State Govt. towards displaced people. Hardly any project gives accurate data. The situation gets worse when it comes to less known projects. The physical act of forced displacement occurs at a point of time, but it sets in motion a succession of inevitable events, which always constitute several years of emotional ordeal due to a disruption in the established pattern of life of the people displaced.

It is surprising that most dam-displaced people belong to the tribals, dalits and other deprived classes. The tribals have traditionally depended on common property resources like forest and community land, which the state Govt considers govt. property. As such no compensation is paid for them. Majority of the dams are located in the backward region of Orissa, which is tribal dominated.

 1. DAMS & DISPLACEMENT IN ORISSA.

According to the Indian social institute, about 1.4 million people have been displaced and affected by development projects in Orissa, during 1951-1995.For the construction of Dams the Govt. has acquired 803549.63 acres of private land, 423436.85 acres of common land and 316341.77 acres of Forest land, total of 1543328.25 acres of land which is 65% of the total land acquired for different projects in the state during 1951 to 1995. The conservative estimates of Dam displaced and affected people due to Dam are 800000 which is around 54% of the total displaced and affected in 1951 to 1995. Out of total displaced people tribals are 37.54% and Dalits are 10.33% where as the tribals are 39.70 and dalits are 9.74 % of the total affected people till to that period. Out of displaced people by dam only 72% are resettled.( (Source - development induced displacement and rehabilitation in Orissa 1951-1995; data base of its extent and nature, by fernadez and asif) Nobody knows what happened to the rest, they completely forgotten by state and the dam builders.

Some of the major dam projects, which have displaced families of significant size are Hirakud Dam Project (32718 families), Machhakund Dam Project (2938 families), Upper Kolab Dam Project (3179 families), Rengali Multipurpose Dam Project (10872 families), Upper Indravati Hydro Electric Project (5301 families), Balimela Dam Project (1200 families),  ( source, Dalua, 1993).

There are no estimates of the loss of fertile agricultural land due to the dams. It is found that large dams have further accentuated the existing inequalities within society. The study of irrigation command areas of Hirakud dam made by the National center for Human settlements and Environment for Department of Rural Development found that small landholders, which made up to 66% of the command area had access only 24% of its irrigation supply. The displacement leads to the disintegration of the community particularly tribal community, which further leads to the disempowered people to destitution and impoverishment.

2. The Law and policy issues:

Land acquisition Act. is the chief instruments of displacement. The spurious clause of" public purpose" is never clarified. The eminent domain principle is continuing from the colonial era though India is an impendent country.

Since, there was no uniform state policy on resettlement and rehabilitation of oustees in Orissa. Quite expectedly, the rehabilitation packages provided by different government departments and public sector and private sector agencies differed from one another.

There was no policy at all in case of the inter state Machhkund hydel project which was undertaken in the early forties.

In post independence India, the Hirakud dam in Orissa was the first major multipurpose project after the planned development took off in the country. It was followed by the Salandi irrigation project and the Balimela multipurpose river reservoir projects.

With the commencement of the Rengali dam project in the seventies, a new chapter began in the history R and R in Orissa. In case of the Rengali project however, people from other communities and castes who were displaced but they were more articulate, and they launched agitations demanding proper rehabilitation. This delayed the completion of work there, and forced the government in Orissa to evolve R & R policy in 1973.  

Still later the World Bank issued guidelines for the R and R of people affected by the projects funded by the bank in 1990.

As a result for the first time a uniform R and R policy for irrigation projects came into being vide irrigation dept resolution no 31999, dated August 21, 1990. 

The adhoc policy adopted for the Hirakud dam oustees-, which may appear liberal from its generous grant of compensation – however created several problems for many among the oustees. 

Salandi irrigation project, executed after Hirakud, was the first one to be funded by the World Bank. Although funded by the World Bank the project authorities chose to ignore the policy guidelines laid down by the World Bank on R and R.

The policy for rehabilitation adopted in Balimela project was the same as in the Hirakud project area.     

 In 1973, the government of Orissa announced R and R policy to benefit the people evicted by the Rengali project.

A revised R and R policy was announced on April 20^th 1977, vide irrigation department resolution no 13169 ( GOO 1977).  The policy was an improvement on the earlier adopted for Hirakud and Balimela.

At a high level meeting on 8^th June 1990 presided over by the chief minister of Orissa ,  a uniform R and R policy for the displaced persons in various projects was discussed. This was followed by the irrigation dept. resolution no 31888 dated August 21, 1990 which spelt out a uniform R and R policy for irrigation projects with retrospective effect from 1.6.90 ( GOO 1990). Till, 1990 Orissa had only the policy from the Irrigation department with many amendments to it.

2.1.The Orissa R and R of projects – affected person policy 1994

In 1994, the department of water resources, GOO, in consultation with NGOs and the world bank, came up with the Orissa R and R of projects- affected persons policy vide the dept resolution no 25296 dated august 27 1994.

Certain guidelines were   prepared by the revenue dept, GOO. ( GOO. 1989).

Between 1994 to till to the year 2005,   the govt just ignored the issues of displacement and R & R of the people.

2.2. In 2004 the UNDP and DFID initiate for R & R policy in the state.

During the draft period of 2004-5 many suggestions from different Civil Society Organizations were brought into the notice of UNDP. Among them CSOs Displace People's Forum of Koraput suggested many important points in the draft policy. They had also demonstration and rally before the state assembly in March 2005 and submitted a memorandum with suggestions to the Honourable Governor, Chief Minister and other higher officials for action.

The final draft of 2005 was submitted by the UNDP to the Govt of Orissa on  4^th June 2005. But due to the pressure from the industrial houses and companies  the govt. seat over the policy and did not place before the assembly.

The Kalinga Nagar Massacre happened in the January 2^{nd, 2006.}On January 2, the police gunned down 12 of them who opposed the construction of a boundary wall for the proposed plant of Tata Steel.

After the tragic incidence and subsequent blockade of road by the tribals, the government woke up from slumber and announced that a committee headed by Revenue Minister Biswabhushan Harichandan will study the  R & R draft policy that was pending with it since August last.  The committee was formed with group of ministers. Instead of consulting the displaced people and the civil society members the Govt send some of the ministers to other states like, AP and Karnataka to study their R & R Policy.

The committee drafted a policy ignoring the previous positive points from the  R & R draft of UNDP. In a hurry the R & R policy was finalised and got the cabinet approval and gazetted on 14^th of May, 2006, by passing the Assembly. The policy was also not placed for comments in the public domain. The said R & R policy is made in favour of industries and before finalization the industrial houses were consulted and they dictated it. Delivering the valedictory address at a two-days seminar on " corporate Sector responsibility in 21^st century" at  the Business Administration Department of sambalpur University, Orissa Minister for Revenue, food and Civil Supplies, Mr. Manmohan Samal said that " The ministers were deliberating on the possible changes in R & R policy of Orissa and industries would soon be invited for their views before the policy was given a final shape" But the consultation with the Industrial houses was done in closed door and it was never done publicly.

The Union Water Resources Ministry and National Thermal Power Corporation have also proposed different drafts of rehabilitation. At once, these agencies have felt the need to talk about the resettlement. The large-scale displacement, therefore, is in offing.

Rehabilitation policy dilutes the provision that safeguards the rights of Adivasis to claim land for land as part of their resettlement and rehabilitation by providing for cash compensation instead. This would only heighten the risks of displacement and render them impoverished.

The Schedule V of the Constitution prohibits transfer of tribal lands to non-tribals in certain specified areas known as the Scheduled Areas. The V Schedule is major constitutional provision that protects the rights of Adivasis by providing specific constitutional safeguards against their alienation from their land, water and forests. Over the decades the Scheduled Areas have come to be the few pockets in the country where the Adivasis have been able to legally enforce some measures of protection against rampant exploitation at the hands of powerful vested interests.

All the policy on R & R is based on the legal framework of "eminent domain", the supreme authority of the state over all property. This principle has always preceded all other legal provisions and protective measures.

The previous policy and the present one has ignored the basic principles, which any R & R policy should, based on. From time to time many civil society members have suggested principles for any R & R policy. These are.

1. The consent of the people affected on the nature of public interest.
2. The need to minimize displacement.
3. Replacement value for compensation
4. Rehabilitation as a right.
5. Transition to new life.
6. A caste/tribe and gender perspective.

3. Policy on Paper and on ground.     

Lack of proper policy document is a major problem. Apart from that there are serious problem at the level of implementation. In most cases, there is a wide gap between the framed policy on paper and what gets translated in reality.

There was no policy at all for the Machhkund Hydal project neither govt. has any list of displaced people. Whatever available figure is there from private sources. Nobody knows where are these people now. Some people went and settled in Malkangiri area and after the Balimela project these people again forced to vacate the land and in this process double displacement was done to many tribal people.

The displaced people of Kolab, Balimela and indrabati project are still wondering here and there and many are forced to daily wage labourer. The compensation money was scanty and also the officials and middleman pocketed some money of displaced people. Many poor people are often left to fend for themselves. Whatever land was given in Kolab rehabilitation camp it is not worth for cultivation. Once people are shifted from the submerge villages, officials do not bother about the complaints.

4. The undivided Koraput region.

The undivided Koraput district constitutes four districts Koraput, Nabarangpur, Malkangiri and Raygada. This region is part of the famous KBK region of the state. Some of the features of the KBK region are

• The KBK districts account for 19.72% population over 30.59% geographical   

                   area of the State.  Tribal communities (38.72%) dominate this region. 

• Several socio-economic indicators highlight the backwardness of this region.
• This region is one of the poorest regions in the country.  As per an estimate (based on 1999-2000 NSS data), 87.14% people in Southern Orissa are below poverty line (BPL).   
• The literacy rate at 36.58% is much lower than the State average of 63.61%.  The female literacy rate 24.72% also compares unfavourably with the State average of 50.97%
• The population suffers from high morbidity on account of under-nutrition as well as endemic malaria and other localized diseases. 
• Road connectivity is a major constraint in the region.  Missing links  pose

    significant challenges to the people to access market places, educational

    institutions and health services.

• Rainfall is generally erratic and unevenly distributed.  Irrigation facilities (both

    surface and lift) are inadequate.  Thus, the region often experiences problems

    of moisture stress.

• At present all the eight KBK districts are ecologically disturbed.  More than

    50% of forests of these districts is degraded.  This aggravates the problem of

    poverty in the region.

• Problems of soil erosion and land degradation are common.  Water retention

    capacity of soils is generally poor.  These factors, among others, significantly

    contribute to low land productivity.

• Per hectare yield of rice in the KBK district is substantially low.
• Employment opportunities in the region are limited.  Agriculture, which is the

    major economic activity, does not generate adequate avenues of employment

    for the  rural poor.  As a result, many men and women go out to urban  areas

   both inside and outside the State in search of employment.  This leaves the old

    and infirm in the villages. 

( KBK WEBSITE)

The region is rich in resources but the people are poor. In comparison with the rest of the Orissa the region stands out as extremely poor. The region plays a crucial role in the power sector of the state.

Many big dams, major and minor irrigation projects are located in the undivided Koraput region. Even before independence the Machhkund dam was planned and after independence a series of large dams were planned and built on some of the major rivers in this region. These large dams promised to solve the problem of hunger and starvation by providing irrigation and energy to the people but after 59 years of independence the region is still backward and starvation is common in almost each year.

5. Plethora of Dams:

There are four river basin area in the Koraput region these are Basundhara,Nagabali, indrabati and kolab rever basin .There are 20 large dams in the undivided Koraput region.

The list of Large Dams in Undivided Koraput region.

i-irrigation,H-hydal

There are three on going major and medium Irrigation projects, Upper Indrabati, Upper indrabati extension &  Telingiri.

6. Extend of land acquired for irrigation projects.

The making of assessment of the total land acquired for different dams is difficult as there is great difference between various sources. However different researchers have given data. The following table gives data of four big dams.

6.1. The displaced people due to dams.

7. Type of people affected: caste-tribe division.

Nature based, largely self-sufficient economics of tribal people of the region sustained and natured through their life, which is in close proximity to forest, river and mountains. Geographic location of tribal habitats and deliberate choice of the dam sites by the planners have displaced many tribals in the region. The displacement has aggravated the process of alienating small and marginal farmers and adivasis from their natural resource base. The following table shows the picture of the caste –tribe division of displaced people.

caste –tribe division of displaced people.

In six projects the displaced tribals are 52 % and dalits are 13 %.

8.Resettlement:

The study of the Fernadiz and Asif shows that around 67% of the DPs and PAPs of Orissa  are not settled at all and became people of no where. Majority of them are tribals and dalits are living in the reserve forest areas without any recognition as citizens, with uncertain future. Many have been forced by the development process to become daily wage and bonded labourer without any other option.

9. Consequences of the Dams on displaced people.

There has been no comprehensive post-facto analysis of large dams in the region done by the government. The displaced people of Machhkund, Kolab, Indrabati, Balimela and  number of other large dams were pushed into destitution, still fighting for their survival. There has been no count of the forests and fertile lands submerged by the dam and allied activities.

The displacement politically dis-empowers the victimized communities. The disintegration of the communities leads to the weakening of the power of the individual and the community. Once any project is declared, all the development works in that area are stopped; the land and properties lose their value. Often, the affected villages do not attract even the marital relations. The disintegrated community and disempowered people could not assert themselves or cannot intervene effectively in the normal political process.  The displacement causes the constant uncertainty, destitution and impoverishment reduces the once proud people to a pleading, petitioning lot for the entire life. Most of them have lost confidence in their capacity to bring out any change in their lives.

In Machhkund the fourth generation of the oustees are holding protests after 55 years of displacement. However, there has been no intense and comprehensive study regarding this aspect of the displacement.

Cernea's Impoverishment risk analysis quite applicable to the dam displaced people of the region. These are.

·         Landlessness

·         Joblessness

·         Homelessness

·         Food security.

·         Education loss for children.

·         Social disarticulation.

·         Increased morbidity.

·         Loss of access to CPR

·         Marginalisation.

10. POLITICS OF DAM:

In the name of development many dams are built and more are planned in the region. It has been pointed out that a large majority of those displaced are poor, deprived classes. Almost 65 % are tribals and dalits. The number just reveal  part of the picture. The other part is quite serious and clear. Tribal people are socially, economically and politically the weakest and most deprived communities. Independent India promised to give equal opportunity to all her citizens by special protection to weak. But it is clear that poor, marginalized communities have been further impoverished in the process of national development. They have paid the price for development of the urban areas and large farmers, industries by providing irrigation and electricity. In an unequal society like ours, dams have served as another instrument of dominant classes for appropriating the two most important natural resources- water and land- from less powerful communities like tribals.

Singh( 1997) has rightly pointed out

".. …displacement caused by large dams has actually resulted in transfer of resources from the weaker sections of the society to the more privileged… large dams do little to alleviate the existing social inequalities, on the contrary, they further aggravate the already skewed social structure in favour of socially, economically and politically powerful" (page 3)

There are six Hydropower generation stations in the state, which are under OHPC. These are Hirakud power system, Balimela, Rengali, upper Kolab,upper Indrabati Machhkund. The Hydropower contribution is 43% of the total power produced in the state including the industries and 68% of the total produced hydropower  by state Govt alone.

Out of six powers generating system, four are in Koraput region. These six generating system have generated 5354 (MU) power during the year 2005-2006. Out of that the contribution of the four Dams in the Koraput region is 3766 (MU). The region contribution is 70.33 % of the total Hydropower to the state. The OHPC got the of Rs. 208.46 crore in the same year from the power and the contribution of the region is 146.61 crore to the State in that year.

Let us see, what is the rural electrification of this region as per the statistics of the Govt. As per 2002-03 (statistical Hand book),  Koraput 67%, Malkangiri 53%,Nabarangpur 86% and in Raygada 54 % villages are electrified. This figure includes village which are under Solar light scheme. Many villages have only electricity polls without wire.

Though the region is producing the 70.33% of the total state Hydropower, the region consumption is around 6% of the total power generated from the region.

The power consumption of the region from total power production in 2000-2001.

The power consumption of the region in urban and rural wise for the year 2000-2001 is given in the following table.

(In million Units)

(Source District Statistical Hand book, 2001)

The total electricity consumption of the region is 347.078 ( MU) in the year 2001 . The major power 86 % is going to the urban areas and industries, 12 % to the rural and only 2% to the Kutir Jyoti Scheme, which is for the vulnerable groups. The analysis clearly indicates that who are the main beneficiary within the region also.

The Power  sharing within the region, 2000-2001.

In all cases, like for example the Machhkund dam in Jolaput generate 114.75( MW) electricity annually but families displaced are live in darkness. The story of Machhkund is not an exception.

About the water, NALCO and HAL, Koraput and Jaypore is drawing water from the Kolab reservoir and the Utkal almina from Kashipore will draw water from Indrabati reservoir. Many industries are in pipeline, those will also draw water from the reservoir. While displaced people of the dam cannot lift water from the reservoir and there is law to prevent them. Many people are arrested and cases are filled against them for drawing water from the reservoir.

OHPC is claiming in its website that "Upper Kolab project will change the complexion of backward area with more agricultural production through continuous irrigation facilities and rapid industrialization, with the growth of small and large scale industries and pave the way of prosperity and happiness for future generation."

The India Country Study undertaken for the World Commission on Dams (WCD), points out the marginal contribution of large dams to increased food grains production in India as less than 10% and the costs are systematically underestimated and benefits exaggerated for a favourable benefit-cost ratio. The report concludes that the Major and Medium Irrigation Projects built in India are unviable.

Another so-called benefit of the big Dam is the fishery from the reservoir. The displaced people don't have the right to fishing and all the reservoirs are given tender to business people for the fishing rights and these leaseholders are collecting money from the poor tribals.

If we will take the example of Kolab Dam the irrigation is done in Jaypore, Boriguma and Kotpad block where majority of farmers are large and big. The operational holdings of land of Koraput district revels that small and marginal operational holders constitute 69% of total having only 34% of land under their possession and although the big farmers constitute 31% of total, they have 66% of land under their possession. In the three blocks of the command area of Kolab the big farmers are non-tribal people and higher class and caste people. In the Kotpad where the kolab-displaced people are settled in rehabilitation colonies never get water for irrigation as they are on the farthest point and hardly irrigation water reaches.

The displaced people have almost never shared the benefits of the project, which have displaced them, be it irrigation or electricity, fishery. Rather dams have uprooted from their own culture and identity. The politics Dam is further complicated in the age of liberalization and globalisation. When rivers are on sale, very soon these dams and reservoirs will go to private corporations.  GOI have already engaged Mckingsey & Company, a global management-consulting firm in examining the role of private sector in irrigation.

In the dam building process there is monopolistic acquisition of resources, land, forest and water are alienated from the communities directly dependent on them, to the benefit of the class to which they are not its livelihood but a source of profit or raw material for producing other goods.   Who has paid the price? And who are taking benefits?

11. IRRIGATION FROM THE BIG DAMS.

Regarding the irrigation facilities the figure shows a different picture.  A study of 2 major and 24 medium dams in Orissa for the 1980-88 period showed that water utilization during Kharif is satisfactory since it is supplemental, but is low in the rabi season. It ranged low in big dams and high in smaller and medium range. It is reason seems to be mainly lack of inter departmental coordination. Irrigation personal blamed the agriculture department for non utilization or timely utilization and the latter accused the irrigation engineers of not releasing water in time( Dalua 1991). Many times the farmers from the command area of the Kolab have demonstrated agitation for non-release of waters in time.

Nearly 5.21 % of the total agriculture land in Orissa has been lost to irrigation schemes.( Fernadiz 1995). There is need to study the agricultural land lost due to irrigation project in the Koraput region and the benefits of small and medium dams over the big dams. There is need to calculate the ratio of lost land due to land acquisition and irrigated land for the region. As per the Fernadiz" The data seems to indicate that, it is easier to manage irrigation by small and medium than the bigger ones.

According to the study, in Orissa the CCA (effective capacity)  of major dams  36.35,847 acres, which is 63.72 % of their potential. Having submerged 8,27,647.35 acres, it comes to 4.39 acres CCA per acres lost which is much below than the medium dams which is 1:5 as per the Central water commission of major dams (Walter Fernandez, 1997).

The koraput district has got 35% of the net sown area under different sources of irrigation. Of the total 35% land under irrigation,17% from major source,2 % from minor source, 1% from lift irrigation sources, 0.6% from wells and 14% from other sources are irrigated. It shows that the other sources of irrigation are far beneficial and the strategic plan can help more to the small and marginal farmers than the large dams.

In spite of many large and medium dams in the region the below table shows the area of irrigation for the year 2002-03.

Large and Medium irrigation projects.          (ooo Hec)

(Source  2002-2003 Economic survey)    

In the south Asian network of Dams, Rivers and People in volume 4. issue have clearly stated that'" .. it became clear also from the mid term appraisal of the 10^th plan, the cost per HA of area irrigated from minor irrigation is much lower than that from major and medium projects. The World Banks report in 2005, India's Water Economy: bracing for Turbulent Future annual financial requirements for repair and maintenance of existing irrigation infrastructure is of rs.17000 crores. The Govt is unable to allocate fund for it in 11 five-year plans. The storage capacities are silting up at the rate of 1.4 BCM per annum as per the report of the GOI's National Commission on integrated water resources development and management. The Dam safety organization under the Central Water Commission admitting, " Although most of the Dams in the country have performed well, there have been few failures".

12. ADVERSE ENVIORNMENTAL EFFECTS.

The large dams have caused large scale deforestation in the region. Many researchers have brought out the adverse environmental effects of Damodar Valley Projects the failure of Ukai dam due to overutilisation, the water logging due to Bhakra dam and Tewa dam in the Narmada valley. Some of the experts from the established schools too have been questioning the wisdom of these large dam projects from 1970s itself. There is no study done in the Koraput region about the adverse environmental effects of four large dams.

13. MANAMADE FLOOD IN THE REGION:

Unlike the coastal region of the state, the Koraput region was less subject to flood.  Only Vansadhara has history of regular floods. As per the record in, 1914 & 1931, 1956 there was flood in Kolab and Machhkund river due to heavy rainfall in a single day. But there was no loss of property. In 1956,1886 there was big flood in the river Indrabati. But after 1990s there were regular floods in Indrabati in ,2001, 2003 and 2006. The flood of 2006 in the Kolab and Machhkund caused havoc in the Koraput and Malkangiri area due to sudden release of water from the reservoir, which damaged property and life in Koraput and Malkangiri district which is a new phenomenon in the region in last five decades.  These floods are manmade and contribution of big Dams to the region.

14. Conclusion:

There have been regular outbursts and resistance by the oustees against dam. The people's movements in 1980s in many parts of the country against the Dam have changed the agenda and approach of the movements of the project-affected people. These movements emerged in a different political milieu, where the democracy and people's rights have been the real issues. 

The World Commission on Dams (WCD), in November 2000, came out with a fresh approach towards the issue of development projects, displacement and resettlement. It envisaged the planning of the development projects within the parameters of  justice, efficiency, assessing risks to all stakeholders, participation in the decision-making, and sharing the benefits and accountability. It has recommended that no dam should be built without the 'demonstrable acceptance' of the affected people and without the free, prior and informed consent of the affected indigenous and tribal people. It calls for comprehensive and participatory option-assessment for needs of water and energy, before any planning of project.

Alternative cost-effective, pro-poor and decentralized ways to harness water and generate energy are too often overlooked. Decentralized renewable power supply options, such as off-grid micro-hydropower, biogas plants, solar and wind power, would often be much better suited to supply rural villages with electricity. Supporting poor farmers to trap rain when and where it falls would often be a better investment in irrigation and rural poverty reduction than the construction of large storage dams.

 Bidyut Mohanty,

References:

• Rehabilitation Policy And Law in India: A right to Livelihood'- Walter Fernandes, Vijay Paranjapye. Indian Social Institute, Delhi and 'Econet', Pune, 1997.
• Dams And Tribal People in India: Amrita Patwardhan, 1999

·         Sanjay Sangvai, politics of displacement in the age of globalisation

·         Development-induced displacement and Rehabilitation In orissa, 1951 to 1995- Walter Fernandes, Mohammed Asif.

·         Govt. of orissa, web site.

·         SANDRP, Vol.4, Issue 6.

·         Conference report, International River network.

·         Problems and prospects of Displaced Tribals in Upper Kolab project of Koraput district in Orissa- Ms. K. Anuradha Mohanty.